Limits on MP's Powers to Aggrandise Themselves

by John Pyke, Queensland candidate for the Constitutional Convention


One consequence of our inheritance of the pernicious doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty is that the present Constitution gives Members of Parliament the power to determine their own benefits and privileges. In order to limit this power, I propose the following amendments to sections 48-50.

Chapter 1, Part 4
Both Houses of Parliament

[These sections follow immediately after those discussed in Guarantees of Voting Rights]

48.Members' salaries, allowances and pensions.
The salaries, allowances and superannuation entitlements of members of Parliament (including additional amounts for members holding office within Parliament and for Ministers), entitlements of members to staff and facilities, and conditions of payment and audit of payments, shall be determined in public proceedings of the Industrial Relations Commission, or any body that replaces it, or in the absence of such a body, by a panel of arbitrators who shall be chosen so that they will not be unduly susceptible to the influence exerted by Ministers and other members of Parliament.

In any hearing relating to an application for change of such salaries, allowances, entitlements or conditions, organisations of taxpayers or voters shall have rights of appearance analogous to those pertaining to employers in the ordinary proceedings of the Industrial Relations Commission.

No member of Parliament or Minister shall, while remaining a member or Minister, receive any moneys from public sources other than the salary and allowances provided under this section.

Former members of Parliament shall not be entitled to Parliamentary superannuation until the age when ordinary employees are generally entitled to superannuation, unless they cannot engage in income-producing activities by reason of certified incapacity, but the Commission (or other body or panel as above) may allow for the payment to a member who leaves Parliament before that age of such allowances for the transition back into private life as, in its opinion, are reasonable.
[Note that this section includes Minister's salaries, currently treated separately in section 66.]

49. Privileges, etc., of Houses
The Parliament may make laws, consistent with Australia's status as a democratic republic and Parliament's status as an institution representative of the sovereign people, with respect to the powers, privileges and immunities of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, and of the members and committees of each House.
[I have some doubt about leaving Parliament with any power to give itself and its members privileges and immunities at all - but it is the institution with legislative power, after all. Perhaps the extent of Parliamentary privilege could also be left to the arbitral body in section 48, who would hear argument from MPs and others as to what privileges are necessary? If Parliament is to retain the power, it should at least be qualified. The words qualifying the power are admittedly general, and will mean that the argument about what privileges are necessary will be heard in the High Court after Parliament has made its decision - but they are the best I can think of at the moment. They are intended to carry the implication that Parliament should have no more power over ordinary people as is absolutely necessary, but at the same time that its power over the executive (eg, power to summon public servants and demand answers from them) should be at least as great as it is perceived at the moment.]

50.Rules and orders.
Each House of the Parliament may make rules and orders with respect to -

(i) The mode in which its powers, privileges, and immunities may be exercised and upheld, but not so that any person shall be subject to punishment for breach of Parliamentary privilege or contempt of Parliament except after a fair trial in a regular court of law:

(ii) The order and conduct of its business and proceedings either separately or jointly with the other House.


Back to: Constitutional Alterations for a Real Republic


Written by John Pyke, 5 November 1997